蚁人

What the West's assimilation accusations against China reveal about its own historical burdens_我的网站

白莲花

A | 中新社北京8月20日电 (李百加金志成)“光影同舟”两岸电影交流会20日在北京举行，13部悬疑、喜剧、动作等类型电影项目提案主创登台路演，吸引40余家影视投资、制作、发行公司及串流平台负责人与会。　　提案主创在大会上收获业内名家悉心点评。著名导演尹力认真倾听，不时就故事立意、人物塑造、市场适配给出意见。　　2006年，尹力执导的电影《云水谣》讲述跨越海峡的爱恋与骨肉亲情故事，在两岸引发热烈反响。 (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity. Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies. Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience. Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence. He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception. This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance. A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice. The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems. The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers. Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation. That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China. China's context, however, is fundamentally different. As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history. This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity. From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity. This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion. In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions. Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state. Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities. So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies. They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality. 。他认为，过去的合拍经验依然提供参考，但今天的两岸影视合作面对新的题材、新的市场，更需要在交流中打磨。　　“影视交流是两岸文化交流中极为重要的抓手。在座影人既是当下也是未来的文化传播者，是时代的目击者与参与者。”尹力说。 8月20日，以“光影同舟”为主题的两岸电影交流会在北京举行。

B | 金志成摄　　台湾青年导演蔡佳颖认为，交流会提供了一个聊故事的平台。

C | 此番，他携动作片《一家人团聚》提案到场，期待业内前辈指点、与同行交流创作心得。　　台湾制片人林家亿表示，自己参与了交流会筹办，一路坚持，是因看到行业沟通的必要性，“大陆影视行业需要不同的文化面向，台湾同行也不能一直留在‘自娱自乐’式的表现中。” 　　成长于台湾的林家亿曾赴美深耕，后来到北京扎根发展，多元、多地的从业阅历让他深感搭建两岸影视沟通桥梁的责任。　　林家亿认为，交流会的意义不止于坐而论道。从“交流”到“项目”，从“聊故事”到“拍出来”，从“认识彼此”到“合作落地”，林家亿说，希望大家合作，“推动想做的人去做、并做到底”。